| News
Stories: |  |
Click-on
these handy "jump links" to quickly access the news item
you're
looking for. 1.
Delta unity means more than roads, bridges
1. Delta unity means more than roads, bridges
CHINA
ECONOMIC QUARTERLY, SCMP 26 May 2003 Now
that the Sars panic has receded in Hong Kong, it is time to take stock of the
disease's long-term impact on the special administrative region. The key issue
is that Hong Kong was severely affected by a disease that originated less than
200km away, yet it was unable to gather useful information because of the political
gulf separating the Hong Kong and Guangdong governments. Does
this mean Hong Kong suffers from a fatal vulnerability to the caprices of its
neighbour? Or does it underscore Hong Kong's continued indispensability as the
world's risk manager for China? Researchers
recently polled several Hong Kong worthies on the subject. Two answers came back
loud and clear. First, Hong Kong's importance remains undiminished. Second, the
government must do a much better job on Pearl River Delta integration, which does
not mean more roads and bridges, but a sophisticated upgrade of regional software.
Consultant David
Dodwell came up with a nice metaphor for Hong Kong's unique blend of strength
and vulnerability. "Hong Kong is not so much a passive gateway, as a placenta
which manages mutually beneficial flows," he said. "Once
we see that Hong Kong's intermediary role is complex, rather than a simple gateway
or bridge, then the idea that Shanghai is in some way a challenge to Hong Kong
can be seen for what it is - preposterous." Unfortunately,
while a placenta can help nourish new life, it can also transmit disease from
the mother. This vulnerability explains why Hong Kong must become much more creative
in managing its relationship with its immediate neighbours - that is, putting
substance into the catchphrase "Pearl River Delta integration". This
does not mean wasting time on infrastructure projects like the proposed Hong Kong-Zhuhai-Macau
bridge. It means making administrative and political systems catch up with the
extensive economic integration that has already occurred over the past two decades.
As Civic Exchange
chief executive Christine Loh Kung-wai pointed out, the intricacy of this task
stems from the administrative complexity of the region, which includes two special
administrative regions, two special economic zones, a provincial government and
many local governments. Each player has its own interests and a degree of autonomy.
A second layer
of complexity arises from the "one country, two systems" formula, which
rightfully makes Hong Kong civil servants suspicious of going down any path that
might erode the already precarious self-government. So
far, Hong Kong's leaders have done a poor job of overcoming this natural resistance.
Ms Loh notes that for all the talk of new bridges and 24-hour checkpoints, control
of cross-border vehicle licensing lies entirely on the mainland. That is a small
but telling example of how administrative inefficiency undermines improvements
in physical infrastructure. What
is needed is some kind of regional council or forum, where political, business,
academic or civic leaders from both Hong Kong and the various mainland jurisdictions
can get together, even if only on an informal basis, to figure out what regional
integration issues need addressing and how to go about doing just that. The focus
of discussions should be what administrative systems need freshening up - or,
to use Mr Dodwell's language, improving the placental flows. With tact, Hong Kong
could take the lead in creating such a mechanism. It is not as sexy as building
bridges, but it is far more useful. Research
by the China Economic Quarterly | 
